A REBUTTAL TO HARI'S REVIEW (EXCERPTS ARE FEATURED IN THIS POST)CAN BE FOUND AT AMERICAN HERITAGE.COM HERE. They are included in the blog by Frederic Smoler. I have commented on the rebuttal here.
In The New Republic (a columnist for The Independent) provides a fairly hair-raising assessment of "a little-known British historian named Andrew Roberts," recently "swept into the White House for a three-hour long hug"and pronounced "great" ("rapturously lauded") by Bush himself.
He has, it seems, a very high opinion of Bush. (Though that's not the problem: merely the context I'm providing for today's highlighted quote.)
[quote begins from Johanna Hari, The New Republic 04.13.07, Bush's Imperial Historian]
Roberts's latest work--A History of the English-Speaking Peoples Since 1900--sounds
like a standard-issue neocon narrative. As a sequel to Winston
Churchill's famous series, it purports to tell the story of how the
"Anglosphere" (Great Britain, the United States, Australia, and
friends) saved the world from a slew of totalitarian menaces, from the
kaiser to the caliphate. It presents Bush as the logical successor to
Churchill--only Bush is, of course, even better.
[quote ends; emphasis mine]
"Don't you dare mention Bush and Churchill in the same breath," said my British husband angrily. Churchill is his hero. Of course, he would be equally angry if I mentioned Churchill and Bill Clinton in the same breath , Churchill and FDR, or Churchill and Jesus, so this isn't particularly meant as a slur on Bush.
Anyway, here's what Johanna Hari had further to say about Andrew Roberts that interested me. The data presented indicate that there may be some drawbacks to Bush's becoming the representative of the "Anglosphere" and to taking advice from him. You be the judge.
[quote begins from Johann Hari, The New Republic 04.13.07, Bush's Imperial Historian]
Bush, Cheney, and--in a recent, glowing cover story--National Review,
have, in fact, embraced a man with links to white supremacism, whose
book is not a history but an ahistorical catalogue of apologies and
justifications for mass murder that even blames the victims of
concentration camps for their own deaths. The decision to laud Roberts
provides a bleak insight into the thinking of the Bush White House as
his presidential clock nears midnight.
Andrew Roberts
describes himself as "extremely right wing" and "a reactionary," and,
in Great Britain, the 44-year-old has long been regarded as a
caricature of a caricature of the old imperial historians. He famously
lauds the British Empire--and its massacres and suppressions--as
"glorious" on every occasion....
In 2001, Roberts spoke to a dinner of the Springbok Club, a group
that regards itself as a shadow white government of South Africa... Founded by a former member of the neo-fascist
National Front, the club flies the flag of apartheid South Africa at
every meeting. The dinner was a celebration of the thirty-sixth
anniversary of the day the white supremacist government of Rhodesia
announced a Unilateral Declaration of Independence from Great Britain,
which was pressing it to enfranchise black people. Surrounded by
nostalgists for this racist rule, Roberts, according to the club's
website, "finished his speech by proposing a toast to the Springbok
Club, which he said he considered the heir to previous imperial
achievements."
The British High Commission in South Africa has accused the club of
spreading "hate literature." Yet Roberts's fondness for the Springbok
Club is not an anomaly; it is perfectly logical to anybody who has read
his writing, which consists of elaborate and historically discredited
defenses for the actions of a white supremacist empire--the
British--and a plea to the United States to continue its work.....
How should this American Empire exercise its power? One useful
tactic, Roberts believes, is massacring civilians. The Amritsar
massacre is one of the ugliest episodes in the history of the British
Raj. In 1919, British Brigadier General Reginald Dyer opened fire on
10,000 unarmed men, women, and children who were peacefully protesting,
and around 400 died. Dyer was even repudiated by the British
government. ....Yet Dyer has, at last, found a defender--Andrew Roberts. After the
massacre, Roberts notes, "[I]t was not necessary for another shot to be
fired throughout the entire region". He later comments: "Today's
reactions to Dyer's deed are of course uniformly damning ... but if the
Amritsar district, Punjab region or southern India generally had
carried on in revolt, many more than 379 people would have lost their
lives."
This is a recurring theme in Roberts's work...that nationalist sentiments can be successfully crushed with
massive violence.... [D]ozens of...historians have shown that, far from
successfully suppressing nationalist sentiments, the Amritsar massacre
inflamed them...
Much of Roberts's advice to Bush is based on similarly skewed and
surreal misreadings of history. For example, he has advised Bush to
adopt "the whole idea of mass internment," saying: "I think it is the
way the administration of Iraq should go." At his lunch with Bush,
according to economist Irwin Stelzer, who was present, Roberts cited
Ireland as a place where internment worked.
Every major historian of Ireland--across the political
spectrum--says the opposite is the case. When internment was introduced
in Northern Ireland in 1971, violence vastly increased--and it only
fell when it was abolished. The decision by the British to grab
Catholics on the flimsiest evidence and hold them without trial is
universally regarded as the greatest recruiting gift the Irish
Republican Army was ever handed.....
Roberts's raw
imperialism informs the advice he offers Bush today. For one, he urges
Bush to adopt a supreme imperial indifference to public opinion. He
counsels that "there can be no greater test of statesmanship than
sticking to unpopular but correct policies." The real threat isn't
abroad, but at home, among domestic critics. Roberts writes, "The
greatest danger to [the British and, by extension, the American]
continued imperium came not from declared enemies without, but rather
from vociferous enemies within their own society."
In this Bushian history, democratic debate--especially in
wartime--is a sign of weakness to be suppressed. "Contrary to the
received view of the Vietnam War, the United States was never defeated
in the field of battle," he writes. It was Walter Cronkite, not Ho Chi
Minh, who was the true menace:....Self-criticism is only ever interpreted in
these histories as "self-hatred," which he says is "an abiding defect
in the English-speaking peoples, and for some reason especially strong
in Americans." It can only sap the "willpower" of any empire.
Could there be a worse adviser for George
W. Bush right now?...Target civilians, introduce mass internment, don't worry about whether
people hate you, bear down on dissent because it will sap the empire's
willpower, ignore your critics because they're just jealous, and--above
all--keep on fighting and you'll prevail.....
[quote ends]
Do Bush, Cheney, and The National Review know about any of this? Shut up; I am not cynical enough to think the answer is yes.
I am cynical enough to consider that we've reached the point at which it may matter very little what Bush and Cheney think anymore, though perhaps that is less cynical than "naive" (?)
04.17.07 UPDATE. PERHAPS I am just as naive as I sometimes think I am. It's important to remember that very little that is published today pretends to objectivity. Today I am posting rebuttal excerpts.